The LDP has been the dominant party for most of the post-war period since 1955, and is composed of several factions.
[edit] Judicial Branch
The judiciary is independent in Japan. The higher judicial members are appointed by the Emperor with the consensus of prime minister and cabinet. Japan's judicial system - drawn from customary law, civil law, and Anglo-American common law - consists of several levels of courts, with the Supreme Court as the final judicial authority. The Japanese constitution, which went into effect on 3 May 1947 includes a bill of rights similar to the United States Bill of Rights, and the Supreme Court has the right of judicial review. Japanese courts use a modified jury system, and there are no administrative courts or claims courts. Because of the judicial system's basis, court decisions are made in accordance with legal statutes. Only Supreme Court decisions have any direct effect on later interpretation of the law. In Japan, the five types of Courts are present–Supreme Court, High Court, District Court, Family Court and Summary Court. See also: Japanese law, Judicial system of Japan
[edit] Policy Making
Despite an increasingly unpredictable domestic and international environment, policy making conforms to well establish postwar patterns. The close collaboration of the ruling party, the elite bureaucracy and important interest groups often make it difficult to tell who exactly is responsible for specific policy decisions. The tendency for insiders to guard information on such matters compounds the difficulty, especially for foreigners wishing to understand how domestic decision making can be influenced to reduce trade problems.
[edit] Human factor
The most important human factor in the policy-making process is the homogeneity of the political and business elites. They are graduates of a relatively small number of top-ranked universities, such as the University of Tokyo, Waseda University, and so on.
These shared educational backgrounds encourage a feeling of community, as is reflected in the finely meshed network of marriage alliances between top official and financial circle (zaikai) families. The institution of early retirement also fosters homogeneity. In the practice of amakudari, literally descent from heaven, as it is popularly known, bureaucrats retiring in their fifties often assume top positions in public corporations and private enterprise. They also become politicians. By the late 1980s, most postwar prime ministers had civil service backgrounds.
This homogeneity facilitates the free flow of ideas among members of the elite in informal settings. Bureaucrats and business people that are associated with a single industry, such as electronics, often hold regular informal meetings in Tokyo hotels and restaurants. Political scientist T.J. Pempel has pointed out that the concentration of political and economic power in Tokyo—particularly the small geographic area of its central wards—makes it easy for leaders, who are almost without exception denizens of the capital, to have repeated personal contact. Another often overlooked factor is the tendency of elite males not to be family men, even though they usually have wives and children. Late night work and bar-hopping schedules give them ample ways of doing this outstanding opportunity to hash and rehash policy matters and engage in haragei (literally, belly art), or intimate, often nonverbal communication. Comparable to the warriors of ancient Sparta, who lived in barracks apart from their families during much of their childhood and adulthood, the business and bureaucratic elites are expected to sacrifice their private lives for the national good.
[edit] Policy development
After a largely informal process within elite circles in which ideas were discussed and developed, steps might be taken to institute more formal policy development. This process often took place in deliberation councils (shingikai). There were about 200 shingikai, each attached to a ministry; their members were both officials and prominent private individuals in business, education, and other fields. The shingikai played a large role in facilitating communication among those who ordinarily might not meet. Given the tendency for real negotiations in Japan to be conducted privately (in the nemawashi, or root binding, process of consensus building), the shingikai often represented a fairly advanced stage in policy formulation in which relatively minor differences could be thrashed out and the resulting decisions couched in language acceptable to all. These bodies were legally established but had no authority to oblige governments to adopt their recommendations.
The most important deliberation council during the 1980s was the Provisional Commission for Administrative Reform, established in March 1981 by Prime Minister Suzuki Zenko. The commission had nine members, assisted in their deliberations by six advisers, twenty-one "expert members," and around fifty "councillors" representing a wide range of groups. Its head, Keidanren president Doko Toshio, insisted that government agree to take its recommendations seriously and commit itself to reforming the administrative structure and the tax system. In 1982 the commission had arrived at several recommendations that by the end of the decade had been actualized. These implementations included tax reform; a policy to limit government growth; the establishment, in 1984, of the Management and Coordination Agency to replace the Administrative Management Agency in the Office of the Prime Minister; and privatization of the state-owned railroad and telephone systems. In April 1990, another deliberation council, the Election Systems Research Council, submitted proposals that included the establishment of single-seat constituencies in place of the multiple-seat system.
Another significant policy-making institution in the early 1990s were the LDP's Policy Research Council. It consisted of a number of committees, composed of LDP Diet members, with the committees corresponding to the different executive agencies. Committee members worked closely with their official counterparts, advancing the requests of their constituents, in one of the most effective means through which interest groups could state their case to the bureaucracy through the channel of the ruling party.
See also: Industrial policy of Japan; Monetary and fiscal policy of Japan; Mass media and politics in Japan
[edit] Post-war Political Development
Political parties had begun to revive almost immediately after the occupation began. Left-wing organizations, such as the Japan Socialist Party and the Japanese Communist Party, quickly reestablished themselves, as did various conservative parties. The old Rikken Seiyūkai and Rikken Minseito came back as, respectively, the Liberal Party (Nihon Jiyuto) and the Japan Progressive Party (Nihon Shimpoto). The first postwar elections were held in 1948 (women were given the franchise for the first time in 1947), and the Liberal Party's vice president, Yoshida Shigeru (1878-1967), became prime minister. For the 1947 elections, anti-Yoshida forces left the Liberal Party and joined forces with the Progressive Party to establish the new Democratic Party (Minshuto). This divisiveness in conservative ranks gave a plurality to the Japan Socialist Party, which was allowed to form a cabinet, which lasted less than a year. Thereafter, the socialist party steadily declined in its electoral successes. After a short period of Democratic Party administration, Yoshida returned in late 1948 and continued to serve as prime minister until 1954.
Even before Japan regained full sovereignty, the government had rehabilitated nearly 80,000 people who had been purged, many of whom returned to their former political and government positions. A debate over limitations on military spending and the sovereignty of the emperor ensued, contributing to the great reduction in the Liberal Party's majority in the first post-occupation elections (October 1952). After several reorganizations of the armed forces, in 1954 the Japan Self-Defense Forces were established under a civilian director. Cold War realities and the hot war in nearby Korea also contributed significantly to the United States-influenced economic redevelopment, the suppression of communism, and the discouragement of organized labor in Japan during this period.
Continual fragmentation of parties and a succession of minority governments led conservative forces to merge the Liberal Party (Jiyuto) with the Japan Democratic Party (Nihon Minshuto), an offshoot of the earlier Democratic Party, to form the Liberal Democratic Party (Jiyu-Minshuto; LDP) in November 1955. This party continuously held power from 1955 through 1993, when it was replaced by a new minority government. LDP leadership was drawn from the elite who had seen Japan through the defeat and occupation; it attracted former bureaucrats, local politicians, businessmen, journalists, other professionals, farmers, and university graduates. In October 1955, socialist groups reunited under the Japan Socialist Party, which emerged as the second most powerful political force. It was followed closely in popularity by the Komeito (Clean Government Party), founded in 1964 as the political arm of the Soka Gakkai (Value Creation Society), until 1991 a lay organization affiliated with the Nichiren Shoshu Buddhist sect. The Komeito emphasized traditional Japanese beliefs and attracted urban laborers, former rural residents, and many women. Like the Japan Socialist Party, it favored the gradual modification and dissolution of the Japan-United States Mutual Security Assistance Pact.
[edit] Political Developments in 1990s and Later
This section may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this section if you can. (September 2009)
LDP domination lasted until the Diet Lower House elections on 18 July 1993, in which the LDP failed to win a majority. A coalition of new parties and existing opposition parties formed a governing majority and elected a new prime minister, Morihiro Hosokawa, in August 1993. His government's major legislative objective was political reform, consisting of a package of new political financing restrictions and major changes in the electoral system. The coalition succeeded in passing landmark political reform legislation in January 1994.
In April 1994, Prime Minister Hosokawa resigned. Prime Minister Tsutomu Hata formed the successor coalition government, Japan's first minority government in almost 40 years. Prime Minister Hata resigned less than two months later. Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama formed the next government in June 1994 with the coalition of Japan Socialist Party (JSP), the LDP, and the small New Party Sakigake. The advent of a coalition containing the JSP and LDP shocked many observers because of their previously fierce rivalry.
Prime Minister Murayama served from June 1994 to January 1996. He was succeeded by Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, who served from January 1996 to July 1998. Prime Minister Hashimoto headed a loose coalition of three parties until the July 1998 Upper House election, when the two smaller parties cut ties with the LDP. Hashimoto resigned due to a poor electoral showing by the LDP in those Upper House elections. He was succeeded as party president of the LDP and prime minister by Keizo Obuchi, who took office on 30 July 1998.
The LDP formed a governing coalition with the Liberal Party in January 1999, and Keizo Obuchi remained prime minister. The LDP-Liberal coalition expanded to include the New Komeito Party in October 1999.
Prime Minister Obuchi suffered a stroke in April 2000 and was replaced by Yoshiro Mori. After the Liberal Party left the coalition in April 2000, Prime Minister Mori welcomed a Liberal Party splinter group, the New Conservative Party, into the ruling coalition. The three-party coalition made up of the LDP, New Komeito, and the New Conservative Party maintained its majority in the Diet following the June 2000 Lower House elections.
After a turbulent year in office in which he saw his approval ratings plummet to the single digits, Prime Minister Mori agreed to hold early elections for the LDP presidency in order to improve his party's chances in crucial July 2001 Upper House elections. On 24 April 2001, riding a wave of grassroots desire for change, maverick politician Junichiro Koizumi defeated former Prime Minister Hashimoto and other party stalwarts on a platform of economic and political reform. Koizumi was elected as Japan's 87th Prime Minister on 26 April 2001.
On 11 October 2003, the Prime Minister Koizumi dissolved the lower house after he was re-elected as the president of the LDP. (See Japan general election, 2003) Likewise, that year, the LDP won the election, even though it suffered setbacks from the new opposition party, the liberal and social-democratic Democratic Party (DPJ). A similar event occurred during the 2004 Upper House Elections.
In an strong move, on 8 August 2005, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi called for a snap election to the lower house, as threatened, after LDP stalwarts and opposition DPJ parliamentarians defeated his proposal for a large-scale reform and privatisation of Japan Post, which besides being Japan's state-owned postal monopoly is arguably the world's largest financial institution, with nearly 331 trillion yen of assets. The election was scheduled for 11 September 2005, LDP managed landslide victory by under the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi's.
The ruling LDP started losing hold since 2006. No prime minister except Koizumi had good public support. On 26 September 2006, new LDP President Shinzo Abe was elected by a special session of the Diet to succeed Junichiro Koizumi as Prime Minister. He was the Japan's youngest post-World War II prime minister and the first born after the war. On 12 September 2007, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe surprised Japan by announcing his resignation from office. He was eventually replaced by Yasuo Fukuda, a veteran of LDP.
On 4 November 2007, leader of the main opposition party, Ichiro Ozawa announced his resignation from the post of party president, after controversy over an offer to the DPJ to join the ruling coalition in a grand coalition.[12], but has since, with some embarrassment, rescinded his resignation.
On 11 January 2008, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda forced a bill allowing ships to continue a refueling mission in the Indian Ocean in support of US-led operations in Afghanistan. To do so, PM Fukuda used the LDP's overwhelming majority in the Lower House to ignore a previous 'no-vote' of the opposition-controlled Upper House. This is the first time in 50 years that the Lower House has voted to ignore the opinion of the Upper House. Fukuda resigned suddenly on 1 September 2008, just a few weeks after reshuffling his cabinet. And, on 1 September 2008, Fukuda's resignation was designed so that the LDP did not suffer a “power vacuum.” Fukuda's resignation will not necessarily trigger a general election, since the Liberal Democratic Party must choose a new leader and win the confidence of parliament's lower house to lead Japan's coalition government.[13] It thus caused a leadership election within the LDP, and the winner would automatically serve as prime minister until the government dissolves parliament and calls a general election.[14]
Fukuda failed, however, to indicate its effectively, however, presumably until the Liberal Democratic Party chooses a new leader to put for parliamentary vote. General elections must be held by September 2009. Taro Aso has to lead the LDP, since he was elected as the new party President on 22 September 2008 and on 24 September 2008, he was appointed the 92nd Prime Minister after the House of Representatives voted in his favor in the extraordinary session of the Diet.[15] Later, on 21 July 2009, Prime Minister Aso has dissolved the House of Representatives and elections were held on 30 August.[16]
The year 2009 is being observed a major change in Japanese politics. The election results for the House of Representatives were announced on 30 and 31 August 2009. The opposition party DPJ led by Yukio Hatoyama, has cleared majority by winning 308 seats (10 seats won by allies Social Democratic Party and People's New Party). While the ruling LDP led by Taro Aso, has secured 119 seats (21 seats won by New Komeito) and failed to form the government. Changes in politics of Japan have been long awaited. In the early 1990s, the opposition united and formed the government, however, not for long time. LDP get back its ruling position in 1994 and continued till 2009. Even though, the LDP has managed huge majority in 2005 elections held for the House of Representatives under the leadership of Koizumi. The weak performance by LDP leaders on various policies and reforms measures has led to the defeat of the LDP in the August 2009 elections.[17]
On 16 September 2009, DPJ's president Hatoyama was elected by the the House of Representatives as the 93rd Prime Minister of Japan. The new government in Japan, which is now headed by DPJ and its alliance–Social Democratic Party and People's New Party, considered a big change in the politics of Japan.[
Friday, November 20, 2009
Politics of Japan
The politics of Japan is conducted in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic monarchy, where Prime Minister of Japan is the head of government. Japanese politics uses a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the Diet, with the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. The Judiciary system of Japan is an independent entity. In academic studies, Japan is generally considered a constitutional monarchy, based largely upon the British system with strong influences from European continental civil law countries such as the German Bundestag. For example, in 1896 the Japanese government established Minpo, the Civil Code, on the French model. With post-World War II modifications, the code remains in effect in present-day Japan
Hun Sen in My Eyes
ationMost of people in Cambodia even some international writers and politicians have named Hun Sen as the Strong Man of Cambodia. Why do they think this way? What does it mean by a strong man?
If I am not misunderstood the term of strongman identifying Hun Sen by them would have many senses. It means that Hun Sen is a competent leader, a strong and powerful leader, a leader who has many soldiers and military under his control and his political dynasty built up. These facts do exist in Cambodian political reality if we look into it without critics. Hun Sen always comes up in the media in Cambodia with pride and send the messages to all the Cambodians that Cambodian economic growth under his rule has raised quickly. He is the only liberator of the Cambodian people from the Khmer Rouge. He is the one who put the civil war in the country to an end in the late of 1990s. He is the only one who can lead Cambodia. He is the only leader who can secure peace, stability, and economic growth in the nation. He is the only one who can solve every problem in the country ranging from international issues to national issues and even to family issues from selling store to a hectar of land in conflict. He is the supreme commander-in-chief of the military, police, media and even the supreme commander-in-chief over the King’s institute, legislative and the court. Politically, he is able to centralize the absolute power under his leadership indisputably in Cambodia without check and balance system. And with all these, he is named as the Strong Man of Cambodia.
However, I see it differently. In my eyes I see Hun Sen as one of the most unsecured and weakest leaders in the world just like Fidel Castro, Kim Jung Il, Thein Sein and many others. These leaders lead the countries by fear, by cheating, by keeping their own people in poverty, and by depriving their rights of true information, education, and basic freedom. They have no true respect from their subjects nor have they competence to be entrusted in their leaderships. They are surrounded by hatred, revenge, and enemy of their own people and even the democratic lovers around the world and they also reflectively live and lead in fear.
Just see some cases in order to identify Hun Sen as the most unsecured and weakest leader is that his orders about abolishing deforestation, the gangsters, corruption, the second-hand control along the national high ways, and land grabbing have never been listened to and carried out by officials under his government and most importantly wherever he goes there always be thousands of bodyguards, soldiers, and military personals to protect him from his house’s gate to the place he stops. Similarly, every TV station keeps propagandizing the good deed about him day and night even an inauguration of the five hundred meters of the paved street as his personal donation and great achievement. And there are many more.
In general, Hun Sen has live a life of fear even though he successes in his political life to be the Prime Minister for along time, his power doesn’t come from the true support and his competence but from threat, killing, cheating, suppressing, and subjecting our national sovereignty to Vietnam for the exchange of power. He has never been a real and positive strong leader because he never leads the country by standing on his own feet. Yet he leads by begging other nations, depending on alms, and by submission to neighboring countries. The strong leader definitively leads the country by facing the truth, critics, responsibility, and fearing no enemy in order to move the country forwards to prosperity, democracy, dignity, unity, peace, and independence.
As a response to this proof, have we ever expected him to be able to lead the country as strong leadeship’s demand? No, please do not expect that he has the ability to stand up and successfully protect the national interests from other countries’ invasion, when he can’t even stand up nor has he the courage to face with even the critics and the peaceful and unarmed demonstrations and strikes. Moreover, do not expect that he has the ability to bring about the economic growth for the country when his government can’t even enact the corruption law nor can he personally have the ability to fight against the deforestation and land grabbing. He is able for nothing. Therefore, Hun Sen in my eyes is nothing but the most unsecured ad the weakest leader only.
Quote:
 Chao Liang mentioned about Wukutafu when conversed with Lord Shang about the good and strong leader that Wukutafu, the councilor of Ch’in, when he was tired, he did not sit in the carriage, in summer he did not spread out a sunshade, when he traveled in the country he did not have carts or months following him, nor men carrying him shields and lances. His security is preserved in his merits and his merits were preserved in the stores, granaries and everywhere, and his virtuous conduct was displayed to later geners.
If I am not misunderstood the term of strongman identifying Hun Sen by them would have many senses. It means that Hun Sen is a competent leader, a strong and powerful leader, a leader who has many soldiers and military under his control and his political dynasty built up. These facts do exist in Cambodian political reality if we look into it without critics. Hun Sen always comes up in the media in Cambodia with pride and send the messages to all the Cambodians that Cambodian economic growth under his rule has raised quickly. He is the only liberator of the Cambodian people from the Khmer Rouge. He is the one who put the civil war in the country to an end in the late of 1990s. He is the only one who can lead Cambodia. He is the only leader who can secure peace, stability, and economic growth in the nation. He is the only one who can solve every problem in the country ranging from international issues to national issues and even to family issues from selling store to a hectar of land in conflict. He is the supreme commander-in-chief of the military, police, media and even the supreme commander-in-chief over the King’s institute, legislative and the court. Politically, he is able to centralize the absolute power under his leadership indisputably in Cambodia without check and balance system. And with all these, he is named as the Strong Man of Cambodia.
However, I see it differently. In my eyes I see Hun Sen as one of the most unsecured and weakest leaders in the world just like Fidel Castro, Kim Jung Il, Thein Sein and many others. These leaders lead the countries by fear, by cheating, by keeping their own people in poverty, and by depriving their rights of true information, education, and basic freedom. They have no true respect from their subjects nor have they competence to be entrusted in their leaderships. They are surrounded by hatred, revenge, and enemy of their own people and even the democratic lovers around the world and they also reflectively live and lead in fear.
Just see some cases in order to identify Hun Sen as the most unsecured and weakest leader is that his orders about abolishing deforestation, the gangsters, corruption, the second-hand control along the national high ways, and land grabbing have never been listened to and carried out by officials under his government and most importantly wherever he goes there always be thousands of bodyguards, soldiers, and military personals to protect him from his house’s gate to the place he stops. Similarly, every TV station keeps propagandizing the good deed about him day and night even an inauguration of the five hundred meters of the paved street as his personal donation and great achievement. And there are many more.
In general, Hun Sen has live a life of fear even though he successes in his political life to be the Prime Minister for along time, his power doesn’t come from the true support and his competence but from threat, killing, cheating, suppressing, and subjecting our national sovereignty to Vietnam for the exchange of power. He has never been a real and positive strong leader because he never leads the country by standing on his own feet. Yet he leads by begging other nations, depending on alms, and by submission to neighboring countries. The strong leader definitively leads the country by facing the truth, critics, responsibility, and fearing no enemy in order to move the country forwards to prosperity, democracy, dignity, unity, peace, and independence.
As a response to this proof, have we ever expected him to be able to lead the country as strong leadeship’s demand? No, please do not expect that he has the ability to stand up and successfully protect the national interests from other countries’ invasion, when he can’t even stand up nor has he the courage to face with even the critics and the peaceful and unarmed demonstrations and strikes. Moreover, do not expect that he has the ability to bring about the economic growth for the country when his government can’t even enact the corruption law nor can he personally have the ability to fight against the deforestation and land grabbing. He is able for nothing. Therefore, Hun Sen in my eyes is nothing but the most unsecured ad the weakest leader only.
Quote:
 Chao Liang mentioned about Wukutafu when conversed with Lord Shang about the good and strong leader that Wukutafu, the councilor of Ch’in, when he was tired, he did not sit in the carriage, in summer he did not spread out a sunshade, when he traveled in the country he did not have carts or months following him, nor men carrying him shields and lances. His security is preserved in his merits and his merits were preserved in the stores, granaries and everywhere, and his virtuous conduct was displayed to later geners.
Friday, November 13, 2009
[edit] Etymology
Cambodia is the traditional English name, taken from the French Cambodge, while Kâmpŭchea (កម្ពុជា), formerly the name of the country in English, is the direct transliteration, more faithful to the Khmer pronunciation. The Khmer Kampuchea is derived from the ancient Khmer kingdom of Kambuja (Kambujadeśa). Kambuja or Kamboja (Devangari: कम्बोज) is the ancient Sanskrit name of the Kambojas, an early tribe of north India, named after their founder Kambu Svayambhuva,[9] believed to be a variant of Cambyses. See Etymology of Kamboja.
"Khmer Land" in Khmer writing, a local expression which refers to Cambodia
Preahreachanachâk Kampuchea means "Kingdom of Cambodia". Etymologically, its components are: Preah- ("sacred"); -reach- ("king, royal, realm", from Sanskrit); -ana- (from Pāli āṇā, "authority, command, power", itself from Sanskrit ājñā, same meaning) -châk (from Sanskrit chakra, meaning "wheel", a symbol of power and rule).
The name used on formal occasions, such as political speeches and news programs, is Prâteh Kampuchea (Khmer: ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា), literally "the Country of Cambodia". Prâteh is a formal word meaning "country." The colloquial name most used by Khmer people, is Srok Khmae (Khmer: ស្រុកខ្មែរ), literally "the Khmer Land". Srok is a Mon-Khmer word roughly equal to prâteh, but less formal. Khmer is spelled with a final "r" in the Khmer alphabet, but the word-final "r" phoneme disappeared from most dialects of Khmer in the 19th century and is not pronounced in the contemporary speech of the standard dialect.
Since independence, the official name of Cambodia has changed several times, following the troubled history of the country. The following names have been used in English and French since 1954.
Kingdom of Cambodia/Royaume du Cambodge under the rule of the monarchy from 1953 through 1970;
Khmer Republic/République Khmère (a calque of French Republic) under the Lon Nol led government from 1970 to 1975;
Democratic Kampuchea/Kampuchea démocratique under the rule of the communist Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979;
People's Republic of Kampuchea/République populaire du Kampuchea under the rule of the Vietnamese-sponsored government from 1979 to 1989;
State of Cambodia/État du Cambodge (a neutral name, while deciding whether to return to monarchy) under the rule of the United Nations transitional authority from 1989 to 1993;
Kingdom of Cambodia/Royaume du Cambodge reused after the restoration of the monarchy in 1993.
"Khmer Land" in Khmer writing, a local expression which refers to Cambodia
Preahreachanachâk Kampuchea means "Kingdom of Cambodia". Etymologically, its components are: Preah- ("sacred"); -reach- ("king, royal, realm", from Sanskrit); -ana- (from Pāli āṇā, "authority, command, power", itself from Sanskrit ājñā, same meaning) -châk (from Sanskrit chakra, meaning "wheel", a symbol of power and rule).
The name used on formal occasions, such as political speeches and news programs, is Prâteh Kampuchea (Khmer: ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា), literally "the Country of Cambodia". Prâteh is a formal word meaning "country." The colloquial name most used by Khmer people, is Srok Khmae (Khmer: ស្រុកខ្មែរ), literally "the Khmer Land". Srok is a Mon-Khmer word roughly equal to prâteh, but less formal. Khmer is spelled with a final "r" in the Khmer alphabet, but the word-final "r" phoneme disappeared from most dialects of Khmer in the 19th century and is not pronounced in the contemporary speech of the standard dialect.
Since independence, the official name of Cambodia has changed several times, following the troubled history of the country. The following names have been used in English and French since 1954.
Kingdom of Cambodia/Royaume du Cambodge under the rule of the monarchy from 1953 through 1970;
Khmer Republic/République Khmère (a calque of French Republic) under the Lon Nol led government from 1970 to 1975;
Democratic Kampuchea/Kampuchea démocratique under the rule of the communist Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979;
People's Republic of Kampuchea/République populaire du Kampuchea under the rule of the Vietnamese-sponsored government from 1979 to 1989;
State of Cambodia/État du Cambodge (a neutral name, while deciding whether to return to monarchy) under the rule of the United Nations transitional authority from 1989 to 1993;
Kingdom of Cambodia/Royaume du Cambodge reused after the restoration of the monarchy in 1993.
Cambodia
For the Kim Wilde song, see Cambodia (song).
Kingdom of Cambodia
ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជាPreăh Réachéa Anachâk Kâmpŭchea
Flag
Coat of arms
Motto: "Nation, Religion, King"
Anthem: NokoreachRoyal Kingdom
Location of Cambodia (green)
in ASEAN (dark grey) — [Legend]
Capital(and largest city)
Phnom Penh11°33′N 104°55′E / 11.55°N 104.917°E / 11.55; 104.917
Official languages
Khmer
Demonym
Khmer or Cambodian
Government
Constitutional monarchy,Parliamentary representative democracy
-
King
Norodom Sihamoni
-
Prime Minister
Hun Sen
Legislature
Parliament
-
Upper House
Senate
-
Lower House
National Assembly
Formation
-
Khmer empire
802
-
French colonization
1863
-
Independence from France
November 9, 1953
-
Monarchy abolished
March 18, 1970
-
Monarchy restored
September 24, 1993
Area
-
Total
181,035 km2 (88th)69,898 sq mi
-
Water (%)
2.5
Population
-
2009 estimate
14,805,000[1] (67th)
-
2008 census
13,388,910
-
Density
81.8/km2 (125th)211.8/sq mi
GDP (PPP)
2008 estimate
-
Total
$28.461 billion[2]
-
Per capita
$2,082[2]
GDP (nominal)
2008 estimate
-
Total
$11.250 billion[2]
-
Per capita
$823[2]
HDI (2007)
▲ 0.593[3] (medium) (137th)
Currency
Riel (៛)1 (KHR)
Time zone
(UTC+7)
-
Summer (DST)
(UTC+7)
Drives on the
right
Internet TLD
.kh
Calling code
855
1
Local currency, although US dollars are widely used.
This article contains Indic text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks or boxes, misplaced vowels or missing conjuncts instead of Indic text.
The Kingdom of Cambodia (pronounced /kæmˈboʊdiə/), formerly known as Kampuchea (/kæmpuːˈtʃiːə/, ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា Preăh Réachéa Nachâk Kâmpŭchea, derived from Sanskrit Kambujadesa), is a country in South East Asia with a population of over 14 million people.[4] The kingdom's capital and largest city is Phnom Penh. Cambodia is the successor state of the once powerful Hindu and Buddhist Khmer Empire, which ruled most of the Indochinese Peninsula between the 11th and 14th centuries.
A citizen of Cambodia is usually identified as "Cambodian" or "Khmer," though the latter strictly refers to ethnic Khmers. Most Cambodians are Theravada Buddhists of Khmer extraction, but the country also has a substantial number of predominantly Muslim Cham, as well as ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese and small animist hill tribes.
The country borders Thailand to its west and northwest, Laos to its northeast and Vietnam to its east and southeast. In the south it faces the Gulf of Thailand. The geography of Cambodia is dominated by the Mekong River (colloquial Khmer: Tonle Thom or "the great river") and the Tonlé Sap ("the fresh water lake"), an important source of fish.
Agriculture has long been the most important sector of the Cambodian economy, with around 59% of the population relying on agriculture for their livelihood (with rice being the principal crop).[5] Garments, tourism, and construction are also important. In 2007, foreign visitors to Angkor Wat numbered more than 4 million.[6] In 2005, oil and natural gas deposits were found beneath Cambodia's territorial waters, and once commercial extraction begins in 2011, the oil revenues could profoundly affect Cambodia's economy.[7] Observers fear much of the revenue could end up in the hands of the political elites if not monitored correctly.[8]
Kingdom of Cambodia
ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជាPreăh Réachéa Anachâk Kâmpŭchea
Flag
Coat of arms
Motto: "Nation, Religion, King"
Anthem: NokoreachRoyal Kingdom
Location of Cambodia (green)
in ASEAN (dark grey) — [Legend]
Capital(and largest city)
Phnom Penh11°33′N 104°55′E / 11.55°N 104.917°E / 11.55; 104.917
Official languages
Khmer
Demonym
Khmer or Cambodian
Government
Constitutional monarchy,Parliamentary representative democracy
-
King
Norodom Sihamoni
-
Prime Minister
Hun Sen
Legislature
Parliament
-
Upper House
Senate
-
Lower House
National Assembly
Formation
-
Khmer empire
802
-
French colonization
1863
-
Independence from France
November 9, 1953
-
Monarchy abolished
March 18, 1970
-
Monarchy restored
September 24, 1993
Area
-
Total
181,035 km2 (88th)69,898 sq mi
-
Water (%)
2.5
Population
-
2009 estimate
14,805,000[1] (67th)
-
2008 census
13,388,910
-
Density
81.8/km2 (125th)211.8/sq mi
GDP (PPP)
2008 estimate
-
Total
$28.461 billion[2]
-
Per capita
$2,082[2]
GDP (nominal)
2008 estimate
-
Total
$11.250 billion[2]
-
Per capita
$823[2]
HDI (2007)
▲ 0.593[3] (medium) (137th)
Currency
Riel (៛)1 (KHR)
Time zone
(UTC+7)
-
Summer (DST)
(UTC+7)
Drives on the
right
Internet TLD
.kh
Calling code
855
1
Local currency, although US dollars are widely used.
This article contains Indic text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks or boxes, misplaced vowels or missing conjuncts instead of Indic text.
The Kingdom of Cambodia (pronounced /kæmˈboʊdiə/), formerly known as Kampuchea (/kæmpuːˈtʃiːə/, ព្រះរាជាណាចក្រកម្ពុជា Preăh Réachéa Nachâk Kâmpŭchea, derived from Sanskrit Kambujadesa), is a country in South East Asia with a population of over 14 million people.[4] The kingdom's capital and largest city is Phnom Penh. Cambodia is the successor state of the once powerful Hindu and Buddhist Khmer Empire, which ruled most of the Indochinese Peninsula between the 11th and 14th centuries.
A citizen of Cambodia is usually identified as "Cambodian" or "Khmer," though the latter strictly refers to ethnic Khmers. Most Cambodians are Theravada Buddhists of Khmer extraction, but the country also has a substantial number of predominantly Muslim Cham, as well as ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese and small animist hill tribes.
The country borders Thailand to its west and northwest, Laos to its northeast and Vietnam to its east and southeast. In the south it faces the Gulf of Thailand. The geography of Cambodia is dominated by the Mekong River (colloquial Khmer: Tonle Thom or "the great river") and the Tonlé Sap ("the fresh water lake"), an important source of fish.
Agriculture has long been the most important sector of the Cambodian economy, with around 59% of the population relying on agriculture for their livelihood (with rice being the principal crop).[5] Garments, tourism, and construction are also important. In 2007, foreign visitors to Angkor Wat numbered more than 4 million.[6] In 2005, oil and natural gas deposits were found beneath Cambodia's territorial waters, and once commercial extraction begins in 2011, the oil revenues could profoundly affect Cambodia's economy.[7] Observers fear much of the revenue could end up in the hands of the political elites if not monitored correctly.[8]
Political Opinion
The 8 following points of Mechanism that can guarantee the Powers of the People
The term of office of the Prime Minister must be limited (2 terms).
The Prime Minister is not allowed to form his own personal bodyguards by himself.
The Prime Minister should live in the residence provided by the Government.
To form administrative court.
The role and function as well as the promotion of general of military and police should be approved by the Parliament.
The Government Official should be neutral.
The Representatives of all levels (Commune/Sangkat, District/Khan and Province/City) should be directly elected and dismissed by the People.
Using of uninominal system to elect the members of Parliament.
APPEAL
Having suffered painfully from dictatorship, especially under Genocidal Regime from 1975-1979,
Having gone through suffering, aggression, occupation, destruction from foreign powers,
Desirous of a transfer of power proceeding peacefully and democratically,
Recognizing that our country, Cambodia, is currently facing a challenging time of its history, We, Cambodian people, who believe in justice, realism and are honesty, have united our forces and determinations to introduce changes and real dynamism into our currently static society; in other words, to save our society from its current destructive inertia. We have reached an agreement to form a political party called “League for Democracy Party” with the goal to give the Power back to the people, its legitimate owners. The country must be governed according to the following principle: “the People are the master of the country’s destiny”. We do not agree that one man and/or a small group of people run arbitrarily the country’s affairs on behalf of the people, the legitimate owner of power. With legal methods the League for Democracy Party has a clear strategy to lead the people to gain power that has been lost long time ago, based on following policy “the people has the right to directly elect and to dismiss their representatives in all levels such as village, commune, district, province...”. We do not accept that the representatives put the interest of their party and their leader before the interest of the people, the master of the country. The League for Democracy Party calls on all Cambodian people sharing our values and determinations to show their support either financially or through ideas and suggestions in order to rebuild democratically and justly our motherland. The League for Democracy Party welcomes all Cambodian people and friends who have genuine interests in participating in our movement under party’s motto “Think together - Decide together - Act together”.
APPEAL
Having suffered painfully from dictatorship, especially under Genocidal Regime from 1975-1979,
Having gone through suffering, aggression, occupation, destruction from foreign powers,
Desirous of a transfer of power proceeding peacefully and democratically,
Recognizing that our country, Cambodia, is currently facing a challenging time of its history, We, Cambodian people, who believe in justice, realism and are honesty, have united our forces and determinations to introduce changes and real dynamism into our currently static society; in other words, to save our society from its current destructive inertia. We have reached an agreement to form a political party called “League for Democracy Party” with the goal to give the Power back to the people, its legitimate owners. The country must be governed according to the following principle: “the People are the master of the country’s destiny”.
Having gone through suffering, aggression, occupation, destruction from foreign powers,
Desirous of a transfer of power proceeding peacefully and democratically,
Recognizing that our country, Cambodia, is currently facing a challenging time of its history, We, Cambodian people, who believe in justice, realism and are honesty, have united our forces and determinations to introduce changes and real dynamism into our currently static society; in other words, to save our society from its current destructive inertia. We have reached an agreement to form a political party called “League for Democracy Party” with the goal to give the Power back to the people, its legitimate owners. The country must be governed according to the following principle: “the People are the master of the country’s destiny”.
PERMANENT COMMITTEE
1- Mr. KHEM Veasna
born 1971
President
Former Member of Parliament
2- Mrs. LY Chheng Ky
born 1955
Vice President
Former Teacher
3- Mr. OK Veth
born 1955
Secretary General
Former Diplomat
4- Mr. ITH Sarom
born 1972
Member
Manager of a Private Company
5- Mr. HENG Sovathara
born 1975
Member
Business
6- Mr. SOK Trorsom
born 1972
Member
Student
born 1971
President
Former Member of Parliament
2- Mrs. LY Chheng Ky
born 1955
Vice President
Former Teacher
3- Mr. OK Veth
born 1955
Secretary General
Former Diplomat
4- Mr. ITH Sarom
born 1972
Member
Manager of a Private Company
5- Mr. HENG Sovathara
born 1975
Member
Business
6- Mr. SOK Trorsom
born 1972
Member
Student
Cambodia arrest boosts Thai row
A Cambodian man has been arrested for allegedly spying for Thailand as a major cross-border row intensifies.
Siwarak Chothipong, 31, who works for the Cambodia Air Traffic Service, was accused of seeking out the flight details of Thaksin Shinawatra.
The former Thai prime minister, wanted in Thailand to serve a jail sentence for corruption, has been playing golf with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.
Mr Thaksin's presence in Cambodia has outraged Thailand.
Bangkok fears Mr Thaksin's ability to spur opposition to the current government and resents Cambodia's rejection of an extradition request.
In exile for two years, Mr Thaksin accepted a role as economic adviser to the Cambodian government and arrived in the capital, Phnom Penh, on Tuesday.
Siwarak Chothipong, 31, who works for the Cambodia Air Traffic Service, was accused of seeking out the flight details of Thaksin Shinawatra.
The former Thai prime minister, wanted in Thailand to serve a jail sentence for corruption, has been playing golf with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen.
Mr Thaksin's presence in Cambodia has outraged Thailand.
Bangkok fears Mr Thaksin's ability to spur opposition to the current government and resents Cambodia's rejection of an extradition request.
In exile for two years, Mr Thaksin accepted a role as economic adviser to the Cambodian government and arrived in the capital, Phnom Penh, on Tuesday.
Age of spirit: an interview with Harvey Cox
In September, Harvey Cox retired after 44 years of teaching at Harvard Divinity School. Retirement, however, has not slowed him down. Last month saw the release of his latest book The Future of Faith, which, in the spirit of his 1965 classic The Secular City, dares to declare that a drastically different role for religion in society is close at hand.
Talal Asad and Abdullahi An-Na’im in conversation
> Talal Asad" href="http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/author/asad/" target=_self>Talal Asad and > Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im" href="http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/author/annaim/" target=_self>Abdullahi An-Na’im both stand at the forefront of the challenging and constructive exchange taking place today between European and Islamic traditions of political, legal, and religious thought. At a recent event organized by Georgetown University’s Berkley Center for Religion, Peace, and World Affairs, the two scholars traded questions and criticisms concerning the concept of human rights. Moderated by > José Casanova" href="http://blogs.ssrc.org/tif/author/casanova/" target=_self>José Casanova, the discussion addressed the intrinsic limitations and historical failures of the language of human rights, as well as its formidable capacity to challenge autocratic and state-centric distributions of power, creating openings for democratic contestation and political self-determination. The following is a short excerpt of the conversation, which is available for download in its entirety here (pdf). You can see video from the event at here & there.
New Energy
America can be the 21st century clean energy leader by harnessing the power of alternative and renewable energy, ending our addiction to foreign oil, addressing the global climate crisis, and creating millions of new jobs that can’t be shipped overseas.
Health Care
We must fix a broken health care system to do what's right for America and renew our economy -- individuals and businesses can no longer afford the crippling cost of health coverage, and millions of Americans have no coverage at all. Health insurance must work for people and businesses, not just insurance and drug companies.
Economy
We will not rebuild our economy on the old model of bubbles and busts. We'll only climb out of the current crisis by creating a new, sustainable foundation for our economy's future -- and make the tough choices to put our economy back on the road to long-term prosperity.
Programs & Scholarships
ProgramsIn response to the 2009 Recovery Act Local Youth Mentoring Initiative we are expanding upon our current mentor programing. We envision a Partnership with the colombia heights community center to provide us with the adequate facilities to mentor fifty young people or more. We anticipate partnerships with local middle and high schools to serve as a base for our talent pool of mentees. ProjectUNS.org Mentoring Program also wishes to expand upon its existing relationship with the Meridian Hill Dorm Council which serves as our majority talent pool for quailified mentors. In conjunction with funding from the recovery act and our partnerships we will be able to mentor over fifty boys and girl in the colombia heights neighborhood. This will reduce juvenile delinquency rates in this are by giving the youths constructive activities to participate in. This program will promote learning as a life long commitment, which passes from generation to generation. This will aslo create jobs for mentors ,administrators, and contractors putting Americans back to work in this troubled economy. Consequently creating taxable income that benifits our state, local, and federal municipalities allowing for programs like these to be possible in the future. The mentees will be able to attend weekly mentor programing where there will be homework assistance, financial literacy seminars, character building workshops, influential speakers, student interaction, and educational tourism of landmarks in the Nations Capitol. The UNS Foundation also hopes to gain additional funding to be donated to schools in "at-risk" communities in order for the schools to provide adequate learning facilities for students. There will be recommended readings of which the foundation will provide the reading material. The Foundation hopes to pursue readings that discuss wealth management, ethics, and relevant economic as well as political issues. Some suggested readings will include “The Wall Street Journal” and “Rich Dad, Poor Dad.”
Program Funding
The UNS Foundation will be working with Small Business in the DC Metro Area, along with Federal and State agency to provide the finances needed to effectively promote and distribute scholarship opportunities to qualified youth across our global community. The Foundations prides its self on our grass roots fund raising campaign and individual donations are the back bone of the organization. We have added a pay pal "Direct Donation" link under our Donations tab. Support a Neighborhood Students dream of Graduating from College, Make a donation today!
Application
Scholarship application will be available on-line in Aug 2009. Continue to check the website for announcements and updates.
ScholarshipsStudents must download the scholarship form and instructions. Prior to sending the form to the foundation by the designated deadline, students will be informed of a decision. Please follow the instructions below: 1. A current high school transcript must be sent to the foundation 2. A 1-2 page personal statement, which should tell about yourself and your plans to attend college 3. A resume should be submitted if applicable (include work and school organizational experience) 4. Answer the following essay question: If you were able to do one thing for your community, what would it be? Explain 5. If you are to receive the scholarship, you must: a. Provide the necessary information regarding your colleges financial aid department b. Send a transcript at the end of every semester to prove that you stayed within a 2.5 GPA c. Follow any procedures, seminars, required readings decided upon by the foundation.
Program Funding
The UNS Foundation will be working with Small Business in the DC Metro Area, along with Federal and State agency to provide the finances needed to effectively promote and distribute scholarship opportunities to qualified youth across our global community. The Foundations prides its self on our grass roots fund raising campaign and individual donations are the back bone of the organization. We have added a pay pal "Direct Donation" link under our Donations tab. Support a Neighborhood Students dream of Graduating from College, Make a donation today!
Application
Scholarship application will be available on-line in Aug 2009. Continue to check the website for announcements and updates.
ScholarshipsStudents must download the scholarship form and instructions. Prior to sending the form to the foundation by the designated deadline, students will be informed of a decision. Please follow the instructions below: 1. A current high school transcript must be sent to the foundation 2. A 1-2 page personal statement, which should tell about yourself and your plans to attend college 3. A resume should be submitted if applicable (include work and school organizational experience) 4. Answer the following essay question: If you were able to do one thing for your community, what would it be? Explain 5. If you are to receive the scholarship, you must: a. Provide the necessary information regarding your colleges financial aid department b. Send a transcript at the end of every semester to prove that you stayed within a 2.5 GPA c. Follow any procedures, seminars, required readings decided upon by the foundation.
Thursday, November 12, 2009
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