Sunday, October 16, 2011

LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY PARTY

កម្មវិធីនយោបាយ

១.

រៀបចំច្បាប់ ដើម្បីអនុវត្ដយន្ដការ ៨ ចំណុច ដើម្បីឱ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋមានអំណាយពិតប្រាកដ។

២.

ការពារប្ដូរប្ដេចនូវឯកភាពរាជ្យ អធិបតេយ្យភាព និងបូរណភាពទឹកដី។ ពង្រឹង និងពង្រីកទំនាក់ ទំនងមិត្ដភាព និងសហប្រតិបត្ដិការ ប្រកបដោយភាពស្មោះត្រង់ ជាមួយប្រទេសជិតខាង ប្រទេស ក្នុងតំបន់ និងប្រទេសក្នុងពិភពលោក។

៣.

បង្កើតច្បាប់ និងយន្ដការប្រឆាំងនឹងអំពើពុករលួយ។

៤.

ដោះស្រាយបញ្ហាជនអន្ដោប្រទេសន៍ យ៉ាងម៉ឹងម៉ាត់ អនុលោមតាមច្បាប់ជាតិ និងអន្ដរជាតិ។

៥.

ចាត់វិធានការលុបបំបាត់ការរំលោភយកដីធ្លីរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ពីអ្នកមានអំណាច និងបង្កើតដី សម្បទាន សង្គមកិច្ច សម្រាប់ផ្ដល់ជូនប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក្រីក្រ គ្មានដីធ្លី។

៦.

ដំឡើងប្រាក់បៀវត្សរ៍មន្ដ្រីរាជការ និងកងកំលាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធឱ្យមានជីវភាពរស់នៅសមរម្យ ស្របតាមតម្លៃទំនិញទីផ្សារ ដើម្បីបំរើការងារក្នុងភាពថ្លៃថ្នូរ។

៧.

ជំរុញកំណែទម្រង់កម្មវិធីសិក្សានៅគ្រប់ភូមិសិក្សា និងជាពិសេស បញ្ចូលកម្មវិធីអប់រំសីលធម៌ វិជ្ជាពលរដ្ឋ និងមនសិការ ទៅក្នុងកម្មវិធីសិក្សានៅគ្រប់លំដាប់ថ្នាក់។

៨.

ដាក់ជាអាទិភាពនូវការងារអភិវឌ្ឍន៍តំបន់ព្រំដែន និងអភិវឌ្ឍន៍ជនបទ ក្នុងនោះមានការកសាង និងស្ដារ ហេដ្ឋារចនាសម្ព័ន្ធ ធ្វើប្រព័ន្ធធារាសាស្ដ្រ ធ្វើអាងស្ដុកទឹក ផ្សព្វផ្សាយបច្ចេកទេសកសិកម្ម ទំនើប បង្កើនវិនិយោគសាធារណៈ កសាងសាលារៀន មន្ទីរពេទ្យ និងលើកស្ទួយសុខុមាលភាព ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋជនបទ។

៩.

បង្កើតការងារសម្រាប់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ជាពិសេសយុវជន និងយុវតី តាមរយៈការទាក់ទាញអ្នក វិនិយោគក្នុងស្រុក និងបរទេស ក្នុងគ្រប់វិស័យ ដោយឈរលើមូលដ្ឋាននៃភាពស្អាតស្អំរបស់មន្ដ្រី សន្ដិសុខសង្គម និងស្ថេរភាពសង្គម។

១០.

ប្រើប្រាស់គ្រប់មធ្យោបាយដើម្បីទប់ស្គាត់ និងបង្ក្រាបបទល្មើសនានា ជាពិសេស ការផលិត និង ជូញដូរគ្រឿងញៀន ការជួញដូរស្ដ្រី និងកុមារ អំពើប្លន់ អំពើចាប់ពង្រត់ និងសកម្មភាពក្មេងពាល ជាដើម។

១១.

ធ្វើកំណែទម្រង់ប្រព័ន្ធតុលាការគ្រប់លំដាប់ថ្នាក់ឱ្យទៅជាតុលាការឯករាជ្យ និងការពារយុត្ដិធម៌ ជូនប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទូទៅ។

គណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍

គណៈកម្មការrអចិន្ដ្រៃយ៍

១- លោក ខឹម វាសនា	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៧១	ប្រធាន	អតីតតំណាងរាស្ដ្រ
២- អ្នកស្រី លី ឆេងគី	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៣៦	អនុប្រធាន	អតីតសាស្ដ្រាចារ្យ
៣- លោក អោក វ៉េត	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៥៥	អគ្គលេខាធិការ	អគ្គលេខាធិការ
៤- លោក អ៊ិត សារម្យ	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៧២	សមាជិក	នាយកគ្រប់គ្រងក្រុមហ៊ុនឯកជន
៥- លោក ហេង សុវត្ថារ៉ា	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៧៥	សមាជិក	អ្នកជំនួញ
៦- លោក ទុំ សាឯម	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៥៤	សមាជិក	អ្នកជំនួញ
៧- លោក សុខ ត្រសុំ	កើតឆ្នាំ ១៩៧២	សមាជិក	និស្សិត

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ប្រវត្តិរូបសង្ខេប

លោក ខឹម វាសនាៈ

១-	នាមត្រកូល និងនាមខ្លួន ៖ ខឹម វាសនា ភេទ ប្រុស ជនជាតិ ខ្មែរ សញ្ជាតិ ខ្មែរ
២-	ថ្ងៃ ខែ ឆ្នាំកំណើត ៖ ១១ ធ្នូ ១៩៧១
៣-	ទីកន្លែងកំណើត ៖ ភូមិពានា ឃុំក្ដឿងរាយ ស្រុកកញ្ច្រៀច ខេត្ដព្រៃវែង
៤-	អាសយដ្ឋានបច្ចុប្បន្ន ៖ ផ្ទះលេខ ១៣ ផ្លូវលេខ ៦០៨ សង្កាត់បឹងកក់ទី២ ខណ្ឌទួលគោក រាជធានីភ្នំពេញ ទូរស័ព្ទលេខ ៖ ០១២-៨៤២៣៨៧ / ០១២-៤១៩៩៤១
៥-	កំរិតចំណេះវិជ្ជាទូទៅ ៖ ក- កំរិតវប្បធម៌ ៖ បរិញ្ញាប័ត្រនីតិសាស្ដ្រ ខ- កំរិតបណ្ដុះបណ្ដាលវិជ្ជាជីវ ៖ អ្នកនិពន្ធ និង ដឹកនាំរឿង គ- ចំណេះដឹងភាសាបរទេស ៖ អង់គ្លេស
៦-	អំពីសកម្មភាពផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ៖ - ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៧៩ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ១៩៨៦ ៖ សិស្ស - ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៨៦ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៣ ៖ និស្សិតនៃនាយកដ្ឋានភាពយន្ដក្រសួងឃោសនាការ និងពត៌មាន - ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៤ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៧ ៖ និស្សិតមហាវិទ្យាល័យនីតិសាស្ដ្រ និងវិទ្យាសាស្ដ្រសេដ្ឋកិច្ច - ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៨ ដល់ឆ្នាំ ២០០៦ ៖ មន្ដ្រីរាជការ នាយកដ្ឋានកិច្ចការនយោបាយក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃ - ពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៩៨ ដល់ថ្ងៃទី ១៥ ខែ កក្កដា ឆ្នាំ ២០០៥ ៖ សមាជិក គណបក្ស សមរង្សី - ពីឆ្នាំ ២០០៣ ដល់ថ្ងៃទី ២៨ ខែ កុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ ២០០៦ ៖ តំណាងរាស្ដ្រមណ្ឌលព្រៃវែង - មុខងារក្នុងគណបក្សនយោបាយ ៖ ប្រធានគណបក្ស
៧-	ស្ថានភាពគ្រួសារ ៖ នៅលីវ ក- ឪពុក ៖ ខឹម ហួត (ស្លាប់) ខ- ម្ដាយ ៖ សេក ហេង (ស្លាប់)

យន្តការ៨ចំណុច

យន្តការ៨ចំណុច និងការបកស្រាយខ្លីពីសារប្រយោជន៍របស់ចំណុចនីមួយៗ ដើម្បីរៀបចំសង្គមប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលមានពលរដ្ឋជាម្ចាស់អំណាច

១.	ត្រូវកំណត់អាណត្តិនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ( ត្រឹមពីរអាណត្តិ ) ៖ ការកំណត់ត្រឹមពីរអាណត្តិនេះ គឺជៀសវាងកុំឲ្យនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី មានឱកាសបង្កើតជាបណ្តាញខ្សែរយៈ គ្រួសារ បក្សពួកក្នុងគ្រប់ស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋពង្រឹងអំណាចរហូតដល់បង្កើតជា របបផ្តាច់ការ បក្សពួកក្រុមគ្រួសារនិយម បំផ្លាញដល់ផលប្រយោជន៍ជាតិ និងប្រជាជន។
២.	នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីមិនត្រូវបានអនុញ្ញាតឲ្យបង្កើតក្រុមអង្គរក្សដោយខ្លួនឯង ៖ ការ បង្កើតក្រុមអង្គរក្សដោយខ្លួនឯង ស្មើនឹងការបង្កើតក្រុមប្រដាប់អាវុធមួយអាចជាលទ្ធភាពយកទៅ បំរើមហិច្ឆិតាអ្នកគ្រប់គ្រង ធ្វើការគៀបសង្កត់ ឬគំរាមកំហែងដល់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ដើម្បីរក្សា និងបន្តក្រាញក្នុងអំណាចរបស់ខ្លួន។
៣.	នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីត្រូវរស់នៅក្នុងនិវេសនដ្ឋានដែលផ្តល់ដោយរដ្ឋ ៖ គឺជាវិធានការ ជួយដល់ការការពារសន្តិសុខ និងទំនុកបំរុងជីវភាពគ្រួសារនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី ប្រកបដោយ សុខុមាលភាព និងសេចក្តីថ្លៃថ្នូរ បង្កលក្ខណៈងាយស្រួលក្នុងការបំពេញការងារ ទទួលខុសត្រូវខ្ពស់ បំរើ ប្រទេសជាតិ ហើយក៏ជាការផ្តល់ មុខមាត់ដល់ប្រទេសជាតិផងដែរ។
៤.	បង្កើតតុលាការរដ្ឋបាល ៖ ដើម្បីបង្កលក្ខណៈងាយស្រួលដល់ពលរដ្ឋ ប្តឹងចំពោះទង្វើមិនសមស្រប ឬរំលោភរបស់មន្រ្តីរាជការ ក្នុងការបំពេញការងារ ឬពលរដ្ឋអាចប្តឹងឲ្យស្ថាប័ននេះពិនិត្យលើភាពមិនស្របច្បាប់ នៃលិខិតស្នាម ឬសេចក្តីសម្រេច ផ្សេងៗចេញដោយអង្គភាពរដ្ឋបាលសាធារណៈគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់ ។
៥.	ឋានន្តរសក្តិ៍ចាប់ពីឧត្តមសេនីយ៍យោធា និងនគរបាលត្រូវសុំសេចក្តីទុកចិត្តពីសភា ៖ វិធានការនេះ គឺដើម្បីឲ្យសភាជាតំណាងរបស់ពលរដ្ឋ អាចមានឥទ្ធិពលខ្លះទៅលើនាយទាហាន និង នាយនគរបាលជាន់ខ្ពស់ ដែលជាអ្នកបញ្ជាលើកងកំលាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ រក្សាបូរណភាពទឹកដី និងសន្តិសុខ ស្ថេរភាពសង្គម ហើយក៏អាចជួយទប់ស្កាត់ ការប្រើប្រាស់កងកំលាំងប្រដាប់ អាវុធជាឧបករណ៍ផ្តាច់ការរបស់មេគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចផងដែរ។
៦.	អព្យាក្រិត្យមន្ត្រីរាជការ ៖ ការដាក់ឲ្យអនុវត្តចំណុចនេះ គឺដើម្បីធានាការចាត់តាំងបែងចែកការងារដល់មន្រ្តីរាជការចំជំនាញ ស្របតាមសមត្ថភាព, បទពិសោធន៍ការងារ និងផ្តល់នូវសេចក្តីថ្លៃថ្នូរដល់មន្ត្រីរាជការដែលជាភ្នាក់ងាររបស់រដ្ឋ ។ ដូច្នេះ មន្ត្រីរាជការត្រូវមានភាពស្មោះត្រង់មិនលំអៀង។ ចៀសវាងការប្រើប្រាស់មន្ត្រីរាជការជាឧបករណ៍ឃោសនបំរើប្រយោជន៍ គណបក្ស។
៧.	ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋបោះឆ្នោតដោយផ្ទាល់ ជ្រើសរើស ឬទំលាក់តំណាងឃុំ-សង្កាត់/ក្រុង-ស្រុក-ខណ្ឌ/ខេត្ត-រាជធានី ៖ គឺជាវិធានការ ធ្វើឲ្យតំណាងពលរដ្ឋគ្រប់លំដាប់ថ្នាក់ ទទួលខុសត្រូវផ្ទាល់ ចំពោះមុខប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ដែលជាម្ចាស់ អំណាច ហើយក៏ជួយកាត់ផ្តាច់ខ្សែរយៈបក្សពួក ពីថ្នាក់ជាតិ ដល់មូលដ្ឋានដែលជាចំណុចផ្តើម នៃការកកើត នូវអំណាចផ្តាច់ការ ។
៨.	ប្រើប្រព័ន្ធឯកត្តនាមសំរាប់ការបោះឆ្នោតជ្រើសរើសតំណាងរាស្រ្ត ៖ ប្រព័ន្ធឯកត្តនាមនេះ បានកាត់បន្ថយយ៉ាងខ្លាំងនូវឥទ្ធិពលរបស់មេបក្សទៅលើអ្នកតំណាង រាស្រ្ត។ ឥទ្ធិពលមេបក្សអាចធ្វើឲ្យតំណាងរាស្រ្ត បាត់ឯករាជ្យភាព ខ្វល់ខ្វាយតែផលប្រយោជន៍បក្សខ្លួន ជាជាងគិតគូរដល់ផលប្រយោជន៍ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋដែលជាម្ចាស់ប្រទេស។ តំណាងរាស្រ្តមានឯករាជ្យ និងសេរីភាពគ្រប់គ្រាន់ ដោយគ្មានរងសម្ពាធពីជនមានឥទ្ធិពលណាម្នាក់នោះ តំណាងរាស្រ្តនោះអាចបំពេញការងារជួយកែតម្រង់រដ្ឋាភិបាល យ៉ាងមានប្រសិទ្ធភាព និងរៀបចំធ្វើច្បាប់ណាដែលបំរើដល់ផលប្រយោជន៍ជាតិ និងផលប្រយោជន៍ប្រជាជនពិតៗ។

សម្រង់គំនិត

ល.រ ខ្លឹមសារ ១១០ LDP ៖ ការងារថ្លៃថ្នូរគឺជាការងាររកប្រយោជន៍ដល់អ្នកដទៃ។ ១០៩ LDP ៖ ការងារថ្លៃថ្នូរគឺជាការងារប្រាសចាកអត្មានិយម។ ១០៨ LDP ៖ បញ្ហាធំបំផុតនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជាគឺភាពល្ងង់ខ្លៅរបស់ប្រជាជន។ ១០៧ LDP ៖ អំណាចប្រមូលផ្តំគឺជានយោបាយជីកកប់ខ្លួនឯង។ ១០៦ LDP ៖ មនុស្សឆ្លាត រៀនពីកំហុស ឬទង្វើរបស់អ្នកដទៃ មនុស្សល្ងង់រៀពីកំហុស ឬទង្វើខ្លួនឯង រីឯមនុស្សមហាល្ងង់រៀនពីកំហុស ឬទង្វើខ្លួនឯងមិនចេះផង។ ១០៥ LDP ...

Thursday, March 4, 2010

Leaders cambodia

Leaders Cambodia(Kingdom of Cambodia)
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Active names link to their correspondant biography at the CIDOB website.
State evolution: 12 Mar 1945: independence from France of the Kingdom of Cambodia proclaimed under Japanese occupation; 8 Nov 1949: Associated State within the French Union; 9 Nov 1953: effective independence of the Kingdom of Cambodia; 9 Oct 1970: Khmer Republic; 5 Jan 1976: Democratic Kampuchea (retaining UN recognition to 20 Nov 1991); 7 Jan 1979: People's Republic of Kampuchea (not recognized by UN); 7 Jan 1979 to 26 Sep 1989: Vietnamese occupation; 1 May 1989: State of Cambodia; 15 Mar 1992 to 26 Sep 1993: administration of the UN Transitional Authority iN Cambodia (UNTAC) 24 Sep 1993: Kingdom of Cambodia
Parties: FLNPK: Khmer People's National Liberation Front; FUNCINPEC: National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia; FUNK: National United Front of Kampuchea (coalition of Sihanoukists and the Khmer Rouge); KPK: Cambodian People's Party; PCK: Communist Party of Kampuchea; PD: Democratic Party; PKD: Party of Democratic Kampuchea (formerly PCK); PRK: Khmer Renovation Party; PRPK: People's Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea; PSR: Social Republican Party; RNC: Cambodian National Resistance (rebel military coalition); SRN: People’s Socialist Community (Sangkum Reastr Niyum); n/p: non-party
Heads of State
Kings
Norodom Sihanouk 26 Apr 1941 - 2 Mar 1955 [picture]
Norodom Suramarit 3 Mar 1955 - 3 Apr 1960 (+) [picture]
Heads of State
Chuop Hell 3 Apr 1960 - 6 Apr 1960 (acting)
Prince Sisovath Monireth 6 Apr 1960 - 13 Jun 1960 (+1975) n/p (chairman Council of Regency)
Chuop Hell 13 Jun 1960 - 20 Jun 1960 (acting)
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 20 Jun 1960 - 18 Mar 1970 [picture] (1)
Cheng Heng 18 Mar 1970 - 10 Mar 1972 [picture] (acting to 9 Oct 1970)
Lon Nol 10 Mar 1972 - 14 Mar 1972 (+1985) [picture] military
Presidents of the Republic
Lon Nol 14 Mar 1972 - 12 Apr 1975 (+1985) [picture] military/PSR
Saukham Khoy 1 Apr 1975 - 12 Apr 1975 PSR (acting for Lon Nol)
Sak Suthsakan 12 Apr 1975 - 17 Apr 1975 military (acting)
Head of State
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 17 Apr 1975 - 11 Apr 1976 [picture] FUNK
President of the State Presidium
Khieu Samphan 11 Apr 1976 - 7 Jan 1979 [picture] PCK (Khmer Rouge)
President of the People's Revolutionary Council
Heng Samrin 7 Jan 1979 - 27 Jun 1981 [picture] PRPK
Chairmen of the Council of State
Heng Samrin 27 Jun 1981 - 6 Apr 1992 [picture] PRPK (2)
Chea Sim 6 Apr 1992 - 14 Jun 1993 [picture] PRPK

Chairman of the Supreme National Council (SNC) and head of the State
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 23 Oct 1991 - 24 sep 1993 [picture] FUNCINPEC, n/p (3)
King
Norodom Sihanouk 24 Sep 1993 - 7 Oct 2004 [picture]
Chairman of the Senate
Chea Sim 7 Oct 2004 - 14 Oct 2004 [picture] KPK (acting head of State)
King
Norodom Sihamoni 14 Oct 2004 - [picture]
(1) Queen Sisovath Monivong Kossomak Nearireath ruled together with her husband King Norodom Suramarit from 3 Mar 1955 to his death on 3 Apr 1960 as virtual co-head of State. When her son, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, ruled as chief of State (20 Jun 1960 to 18 Mar 1970), as the throne was declared vacant, she served as ceremonial head of State and Symbol of the Crown.
(2) The Council of State, supreme executive organ of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and then of the State of Cambodia, transferred powers to the Supreme National Council on 23 Oct 1991 (see below for details). On 14 Jun 1993 the elected Constituent Assembly convened and the Council of State handed over the remaining state powers, ceasing to exist.
(3) Sihanouk chaired the SNC from 16 Jul 1991, but this office was not empowered as the unique legitimate body and source of authority and sovereignty up to 23 Oct 1991, date of signing of the Comprehensive Political Settlement of the Cambodia Conflict at the Paris peace Conference. On 20 Nov 1991 Sihanouk took over in Phnom Penh with the style "head of the State" and non-partisan condition. He continued as SNC chairman to his reinstatement as reigning King on 24 Sep 1993.
Heads of Government
Prime Ministers
Norodom Sihanouk 18 Mar 1945 - 13 Aug 1945 [picture] n/p
Son Ngoc Thanh 14 Aug 1945 - 16 Oct 1945 (+1977) [picture]
Prince Sisovath Monireth 17 Oct 1945 - 15 Dec 1946 (+1975) n/p
Prince Sisovath Youtevong 15 Dec 1946 - 25 Jul 1947 (+) PD
Prince Sisovath Vatchayavong 25 Jul 1947 - 20 Feb 1948 PD
Chean Vam 20 Feb 1948 - 14 Aug 1948 PD
Penn Nouth 7 Sep 1948 - 21 Jan 1949 (+1985) PD
Yem Sambaur 12 Feb 1949 - 20 Sep 1949 PD
Ieu Koeus 20 Sep 1949 - 29 Sep 1949 (+1950) PD
Yem Sambaur 29 Sep 1949 - 28 Apr 1950 PD
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 28 Apr 1950 - 30 May 1950 [picture] n/p
Prince Sisovath Monipong 1 Jun 1950 - 3 Mar 1951 (+1956) PRK
Oum Cheang Sun 3 Mar 1951 - 12 Oct 1951
Huy Kanthoul 13 Oct 1951 - 16 Jun 1952 PD
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 16 Jun 1952 - 24 Jan 1953 [picture] n/p
Penn Nouth 24 Jan 1953 - 22 Nov 1953 (+1985) PD
Chan Nak 23 Nov 1953 - 7 Apr 1954
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 7 Apr 1954 - 18 Apr 1954 [picture] n/p
Penn Nouth 18 Apr 1954 - 26 Jan 1955 (+1985) PD
Leng Ngeth 26 Jan 1955 - 3 Oct 1955 PD
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 3 Oct 1955 - 5 Jan 1956 [picture] SRN
Oum Cheang Sun 5 Jan 1956 - 29 Feb 1956 SRN
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 1 Mar 1956 - 24 Mar 1956 [picture] SRN
Khim Tit 3 Apr 1956 - 29 Jul 1956 SRN
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 15 Sep 1956 - 15 Oct 1956 [picture] SRN
Sam Yun 25 Oct 1956 - 9 Apr 1957 SRN
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 9 Apr 1957 - 7 Jul 1957 [picture] SRN
Sim Var 26 Jul 1957 - 11 Jan 1958 (+1989) SRN
Ek Yi Oun 11 Jan 1958 - 17 Jan 1958 SRN
Penn Nouth 17 Jan 1958 - 10 Apr 1958 (+1985) SRN
Sim Var 29 Apr 1958 - 10 Jul 1958 (+1989) SRN
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 10 Jul 1958 - 19 Apr 1960 [picture] SRN
Pho Proeung 19 Apr 1960 - 28 Jan 1961 n/p
Penn Nouth 28 Jan 1961 - 17 Nov 1961 (+1985) SRN
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 17 Nov 1961 - 13 Feb 1962 [picture] SRN
Nhiek Tioulong 13 Feb 1962 - 6 Aug 1962 SRN (acting)
Chau Sen Cocsal Chum 6 Aug 1962 - 6 Oct 1962 SRN
Prince Norodom Kanthoul 6 Oct 1962 - 25 Oct 1966 SRN
Lon Nol 25 Oct 1966 - 1 May 1967 (+1985) [picture] SRN/military
Son Sann 1 May 1967 - 31 Jan 1968 (+2000) [picture] SRN
Penn Nouth 31 Jan 1968 - 14 Aug 1969 (+1985) SRN
Lon Nol 14 Aug 1969 - 6 May 1971 (+1985) [picture] SRN/military
Prince Sisovath Sirik Matak 6 May 1971 - 18 Mar 1972 (+1975)e [picture] n/p
Son Ngoc Thanh 18 Mar 1972 - 21 Mar 1972 (+1977) [picture]
Lon Nol 21 Mar 1972 - 15 Oct 1972 (+1985) [picture] PSR/military
Hang Thun Hak 15 Oct 1972 - 6 May 1973 PSR
In Tam 6 May 1973 - 9 Dec 1973 (+2006) PSR
Long Boreth 26 Dec 1973 - 17 Apr 1975 (+1975)e PSR
Penn Nouth 17 Apr 1975 - 4 Apr 1976 (+1985) FUNK
Khieu Samphan 4 Apr 1976 - 13 May 1976 [picture] PCK (Khmer Rouge)
Pol Pot 13 May 1976 - 7 Jan 1979 (+1998) [picture] PCK (Khmer Rouge)
President of the People's Revolutionary Council
Heng Samrin 7 Jan 1979 - 27 Jun 1981 [picture] PRPK
Chairmen of the Council of Ministers
Pen Sovan 27 Jun 1981 - 5 Dec 1981 [picture] PRPK
Chan Sy 5 Dec 1981 - 26 Dec 1984 (+) PRPK (acting to 9 Feb 1982)
Hun Sen 14 Jan 1985 - 2 Jul 1993 [picture] PRPK, KPK
Co-equal Prime Ministers of the Provisional National Government
Prince Norodom Ranariddh [picture] FUNCINPEC
+ Hun Sen 2 Jul 1993 - 21 Sep 1993 [picture] KPK
1st Prime Ministers of the Royal Government
Prince Norodom Ranariddh 21 Sep 1993 - 6 Jul 1997 [picture] FUNCINPEC
Ung Huot 16 Jul 1997 - 30 Nov 1998 [picture] FUNCINPEC
2nd Prime Minister of the Royal Government
Hun Sen 21 Sep 1993 - 30 Nov 1998 [picture] KPK
Prime Minister of the Royal Government
Hun Sen 30 Nov 1998 - [picture] KPK
Governments in rebellion 1) Royal Government of National Union of Kampuchea (GRUNK) (4)
Head of State
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 5 May 1970 - 17 Apr 1975 [picture] FUNK
Prime Minister
Penn Nouth 5 May 1970 - 17 Apr 1975 (+1985) FUNK
Deputy Prime Minister
Khieu Samphan 5 May 1970 - 17 Apr 1975 [picture] FUNK
2) Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (GCKD) and National Government of Cambodia (GNC) (5)
President
Prince Norodom Sihanouk 22 Jun 1982 - 2 Jul 1993 [picture] FUNCINPEC/RNC
Vice President
Khieu Samphan 22 Jun 1982 - 2 Jul 1993 [picture] PKD/RNC
Prime Minister
Son Sann 22 Jun 1982 - 2 Jul 1993 (+2000) [picture] FLNPK/RNC
(4) The GRUNK stood in rebellion against the regime of the Khmer Republic and in Beijing exile to 17 Apr 1975, with the conquest of Phnom Penh by the Khmer Rouge; it continued to the proclamation of the State of Democratic Kampuchea on 5 Jan 1976.
(5) The GCKD and his successor since 3 Feb 1990, the GNC, retained the UN recognition from the previous State of Democratic Kampuchea (1976-1979).
General Secretaries of the PRPK Pen Sovan 29 May 1981 - 5 Dec 1981 [picture]
Heng Samrin 5 Dec 1981 - 30 Aug 1991 [picture]

Friday, November 20, 2009

Political Developments in 1990s and Later

The LDP has been the dominant party for most of the post-war period since 1955, and is composed of several factions.
[edit] Judicial Branch
The judiciary is independent in Japan. The higher judicial members are appointed by the Emperor with the consensus of prime minister and cabinet. Japan's judicial system - drawn from customary law, civil law, and Anglo-American common law - consists of several levels of courts, with the Supreme Court as the final judicial authority. The Japanese constitution, which went into effect on 3 May 1947 includes a bill of rights similar to the United States Bill of Rights, and the Supreme Court has the right of judicial review. Japanese courts use a modified jury system, and there are no administrative courts or claims courts. Because of the judicial system's basis, court decisions are made in accordance with legal statutes. Only Supreme Court decisions have any direct effect on later interpretation of the law. In Japan, the five types of Courts are present–Supreme Court, High Court, District Court, Family Court and Summary Court. See also: Japanese law, Judicial system of Japan
[edit] Policy Making
Despite an increasingly unpredictable domestic and international environment, policy making conforms to well establish postwar patterns. The close collaboration of the ruling party, the elite bureaucracy and important interest groups often make it difficult to tell who exactly is responsible for specific policy decisions. The tendency for insiders to guard information on such matters compounds the difficulty, especially for foreigners wishing to understand how domestic decision making can be influenced to reduce trade problems.
[edit] Human factor
The most important human factor in the policy-making process is the homogeneity of the political and business elites. They are graduates of a relatively small number of top-ranked universities, such as the University of Tokyo, Waseda University, and so on.
These shared educational backgrounds encourage a feeling of community, as is reflected in the finely meshed network of marriage alliances between top official and financial circle (zaikai) families. The institution of early retirement also fosters homogeneity. In the practice of amakudari, literally descent from heaven, as it is popularly known, bureaucrats retiring in their fifties often assume top positions in public corporations and private enterprise. They also become politicians. By the late 1980s, most postwar prime ministers had civil service backgrounds.
This homogeneity facilitates the free flow of ideas among members of the elite in informal settings. Bureaucrats and business people that are associated with a single industry, such as electronics, often hold regular informal meetings in Tokyo hotels and restaurants. Political scientist T.J. Pempel has pointed out that the concentration of political and economic power in Tokyo—particularly the small geographic area of its central wards—makes it easy for leaders, who are almost without exception denizens of the capital, to have repeated personal contact. Another often overlooked factor is the tendency of elite males not to be family men, even though they usually have wives and children. Late night work and bar-hopping schedules give them ample ways of doing this outstanding opportunity to hash and rehash policy matters and engage in haragei (literally, belly art), or intimate, often nonverbal communication. Comparable to the warriors of ancient Sparta, who lived in barracks apart from their families during much of their childhood and adulthood, the business and bureaucratic elites are expected to sacrifice their private lives for the national good.
[edit] Policy development
After a largely informal process within elite circles in which ideas were discussed and developed, steps might be taken to institute more formal policy development. This process often took place in deliberation councils (shingikai). There were about 200 shingikai, each attached to a ministry; their members were both officials and prominent private individuals in business, education, and other fields. The shingikai played a large role in facilitating communication among those who ordinarily might not meet. Given the tendency for real negotiations in Japan to be conducted privately (in the nemawashi, or root binding, process of consensus building), the shingikai often represented a fairly advanced stage in policy formulation in which relatively minor differences could be thrashed out and the resulting decisions couched in language acceptable to all. These bodies were legally established but had no authority to oblige governments to adopt their recommendations.
The most important deliberation council during the 1980s was the Provisional Commission for Administrative Reform, established in March 1981 by Prime Minister Suzuki Zenko. The commission had nine members, assisted in their deliberations by six advisers, twenty-one "expert members," and around fifty "councillors" representing a wide range of groups. Its head, Keidanren president Doko Toshio, insisted that government agree to take its recommendations seriously and commit itself to reforming the administrative structure and the tax system. In 1982 the commission had arrived at several recommendations that by the end of the decade had been actualized. These implementations included tax reform; a policy to limit government growth; the establishment, in 1984, of the Management and Coordination Agency to replace the Administrative Management Agency in the Office of the Prime Minister; and privatization of the state-owned railroad and telephone systems. In April 1990, another deliberation council, the Election Systems Research Council, submitted proposals that included the establishment of single-seat constituencies in place of the multiple-seat system.
Another significant policy-making institution in the early 1990s were the LDP's Policy Research Council. It consisted of a number of committees, composed of LDP Diet members, with the committees corresponding to the different executive agencies. Committee members worked closely with their official counterparts, advancing the requests of their constituents, in one of the most effective means through which interest groups could state their case to the bureaucracy through the channel of the ruling party.
See also: Industrial policy of Japan; Monetary and fiscal policy of Japan; Mass media and politics in Japan
[edit] Post-war Political Development
Political parties had begun to revive almost immediately after the occupation began. Left-wing organizations, such as the Japan Socialist Party and the Japanese Communist Party, quickly reestablished themselves, as did various conservative parties. The old Rikken Seiyūkai and Rikken Minseito came back as, respectively, the Liberal Party (Nihon Jiyuto) and the Japan Progressive Party (Nihon Shimpoto). The first postwar elections were held in 1948 (women were given the franchise for the first time in 1947), and the Liberal Party's vice president, Yoshida Shigeru (1878-1967), became prime minister. For the 1947 elections, anti-Yoshida forces left the Liberal Party and joined forces with the Progressive Party to establish the new Democratic Party (Minshuto). This divisiveness in conservative ranks gave a plurality to the Japan Socialist Party, which was allowed to form a cabinet, which lasted less than a year. Thereafter, the socialist party steadily declined in its electoral successes. After a short period of Democratic Party administration, Yoshida returned in late 1948 and continued to serve as prime minister until 1954.
Even before Japan regained full sovereignty, the government had rehabilitated nearly 80,000 people who had been purged, many of whom returned to their former political and government positions. A debate over limitations on military spending and the sovereignty of the emperor ensued, contributing to the great reduction in the Liberal Party's majority in the first post-occupation elections (October 1952). After several reorganizations of the armed forces, in 1954 the Japan Self-Defense Forces were established under a civilian director. Cold War realities and the hot war in nearby Korea also contributed significantly to the United States-influenced economic redevelopment, the suppression of communism, and the discouragement of organized labor in Japan during this period.
Continual fragmentation of parties and a succession of minority governments led conservative forces to merge the Liberal Party (Jiyuto) with the Japan Democratic Party (Nihon Minshuto), an offshoot of the earlier Democratic Party, to form the Liberal Democratic Party (Jiyu-Minshuto; LDP) in November 1955. This party continuously held power from 1955 through 1993, when it was replaced by a new minority government. LDP leadership was drawn from the elite who had seen Japan through the defeat and occupation; it attracted former bureaucrats, local politicians, businessmen, journalists, other professionals, farmers, and university graduates. In October 1955, socialist groups reunited under the Japan Socialist Party, which emerged as the second most powerful political force. It was followed closely in popularity by the Komeito (Clean Government Party), founded in 1964 as the political arm of the Soka Gakkai (Value Creation Society), until 1991 a lay organization affiliated with the Nichiren Shoshu Buddhist sect. The Komeito emphasized traditional Japanese beliefs and attracted urban laborers, former rural residents, and many women. Like the Japan Socialist Party, it favored the gradual modification and dissolution of the Japan-United States Mutual Security Assistance Pact.
[edit] Political Developments in 1990s and Later
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LDP domination lasted until the Diet Lower House elections on 18 July 1993, in which the LDP failed to win a majority. A coalition of new parties and existing opposition parties formed a governing majority and elected a new prime minister, Morihiro Hosokawa, in August 1993. His government's major legislative objective was political reform, consisting of a package of new political financing restrictions and major changes in the electoral system. The coalition succeeded in passing landmark political reform legislation in January 1994.
In April 1994, Prime Minister Hosokawa resigned. Prime Minister Tsutomu Hata formed the successor coalition government, Japan's first minority government in almost 40 years. Prime Minister Hata resigned less than two months later. Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama formed the next government in June 1994 with the coalition of Japan Socialist Party (JSP), the LDP, and the small New Party Sakigake. The advent of a coalition containing the JSP and LDP shocked many observers because of their previously fierce rivalry.
Prime Minister Murayama served from June 1994 to January 1996. He was succeeded by Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto, who served from January 1996 to July 1998. Prime Minister Hashimoto headed a loose coalition of three parties until the July 1998 Upper House election, when the two smaller parties cut ties with the LDP. Hashimoto resigned due to a poor electoral showing by the LDP in those Upper House elections. He was succeeded as party president of the LDP and prime minister by Keizo Obuchi, who took office on 30 July 1998.
The LDP formed a governing coalition with the Liberal Party in January 1999, and Keizo Obuchi remained prime minister. The LDP-Liberal coalition expanded to include the New Komeito Party in October 1999.
Prime Minister Obuchi suffered a stroke in April 2000 and was replaced by Yoshiro Mori. After the Liberal Party left the coalition in April 2000, Prime Minister Mori welcomed a Liberal Party splinter group, the New Conservative Party, into the ruling coalition. The three-party coalition made up of the LDP, New Komeito, and the New Conservative Party maintained its majority in the Diet following the June 2000 Lower House elections.
After a turbulent year in office in which he saw his approval ratings plummet to the single digits, Prime Minister Mori agreed to hold early elections for the LDP presidency in order to improve his party's chances in crucial July 2001 Upper House elections. On 24 April 2001, riding a wave of grassroots desire for change, maverick politician Junichiro Koizumi defeated former Prime Minister Hashimoto and other party stalwarts on a platform of economic and political reform. Koizumi was elected as Japan's 87th Prime Minister on 26 April 2001.
On 11 October 2003, the Prime Minister Koizumi dissolved the lower house after he was re-elected as the president of the LDP. (See Japan general election, 2003) Likewise, that year, the LDP won the election, even though it suffered setbacks from the new opposition party, the liberal and social-democratic Democratic Party (DPJ). A similar event occurred during the 2004 Upper House Elections.
In an strong move, on 8 August 2005, Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi called for a snap election to the lower house, as threatened, after LDP stalwarts and opposition DPJ parliamentarians defeated his proposal for a large-scale reform and privatisation of Japan Post, which besides being Japan's state-owned postal monopoly is arguably the world's largest financial institution, with nearly 331 trillion yen of assets. The election was scheduled for 11 September 2005, LDP managed landslide victory by under the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi's.
The ruling LDP started losing hold since 2006. No prime minister except Koizumi had good public support. On 26 September 2006, new LDP President Shinzo Abe was elected by a special session of the Diet to succeed Junichiro Koizumi as Prime Minister. He was the Japan's youngest post-World War II prime minister and the first born after the war. On 12 September 2007, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe surprised Japan by announcing his resignation from office. He was eventually replaced by Yasuo Fukuda, a veteran of LDP.
On 4 November 2007, leader of the main opposition party, Ichiro Ozawa announced his resignation from the post of party president, after controversy over an offer to the DPJ to join the ruling coalition in a grand coalition.[12], but has since, with some embarrassment, rescinded his resignation.
On 11 January 2008, Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda forced a bill allowing ships to continue a refueling mission in the Indian Ocean in support of US-led operations in Afghanistan. To do so, PM Fukuda used the LDP's overwhelming majority in the Lower House to ignore a previous 'no-vote' of the opposition-controlled Upper House. This is the first time in 50 years that the Lower House has voted to ignore the opinion of the Upper House. Fukuda resigned suddenly on 1 September 2008, just a few weeks after reshuffling his cabinet. And, on 1 September 2008, Fukuda's resignation was designed so that the LDP did not suffer a “power vacuum.” Fukuda's resignation will not necessarily trigger a general election, since the Liberal Democratic Party must choose a new leader and win the confidence of parliament's lower house to lead Japan's coalition government.[13] It thus caused a leadership election within the LDP, and the winner would automatically serve as prime minister until the government dissolves parliament and calls a general election.[14]
Fukuda failed, however, to indicate its effectively, however, presumably until the Liberal Democratic Party chooses a new leader to put for parliamentary vote. General elections must be held by September 2009. Taro Aso has to lead the LDP, since he was elected as the new party President on 22 September 2008 and on 24 September 2008, he was appointed the 92nd Prime Minister after the House of Representatives voted in his favor in the extraordinary session of the Diet.[15] Later, on 21 July 2009, Prime Minister Aso has dissolved the House of Representatives and elections were held on 30 August.[16]
The year 2009 is being observed a major change in Japanese politics. The election results for the House of Representatives were announced on 30 and 31 August 2009. The opposition party DPJ led by Yukio Hatoyama, has cleared majority by winning 308 seats (10 seats won by allies Social Democratic Party and People's New Party). While the ruling LDP led by Taro Aso, has secured 119 seats (21 seats won by New Komeito) and failed to form the government. Changes in politics of Japan have been long awaited. In the early 1990s, the opposition united and formed the government, however, not for long time. LDP get back its ruling position in 1994 and continued till 2009. Even though, the LDP has managed huge majority in 2005 elections held for the House of Representatives under the leadership of Koizumi. The weak performance by LDP leaders on various policies and reforms measures has led to the defeat of the LDP in the August 2009 elections.[17]
On 16 September 2009, DPJ's president Hatoyama was elected by the the House of Representatives as the 93rd Prime Minister of Japan. The new government in Japan, which is now headed by DPJ and its alliance–Social Democratic Party and People's New Party, considered a big change in the politics of Japan.[

Politics of Japan

The politics of Japan is conducted in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic monarchy, where Prime Minister of Japan is the head of government. Japanese politics uses a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the Diet, with the House of Representatives and the House of Councillors. The Judiciary system of Japan is an independent entity. In academic studies, Japan is generally considered a constitutional monarchy, based largely upon the British system with strong influences from European continental civil law countries such as the German Bundestag. For example, in 1896 the Japanese government established Minpo, the Civil Code, on the French model. With post-World War II modifications, the code remains in effect in present-day Japan

Hun Sen in My Eyes

ationMost of people in Cambodia even some international writers and politicians have named Hun Sen as the Strong Man of Cambodia. Why do they think this way? What does it mean by a strong man?
If I am not misunderstood the term of strongman identifying Hun Sen by them would have many senses. It means that Hun Sen is a competent leader, a strong and powerful leader, a leader who has many soldiers and military under his control and his political dynasty built up. These facts do exist in Cambodian political reality if we look into it without critics. Hun Sen always comes up in the media in Cambodia with pride and send the messages to all the Cambodians that Cambodian economic growth under his rule has raised quickly. He is the only liberator of the Cambodian people from the Khmer Rouge. He is the one who put the civil war in the country to an end in the late of 1990s. He is the only one who can lead Cambodia. He is the only leader who can secure peace, stability, and economic growth in the nation. He is the only one who can solve every problem in the country ranging from international issues to national issues and even to family issues from selling store to aÂ hectar ofÂ land in conflict. He is the supreme commander-in-chief of the military, police, media and even the supreme commander-in-chief over the Kingâ€™s institute, legislative and the court. Politically, he is able to centralize the absolute power under his leadership indisputably in Cambodia without check and balance system. And with all these, he is named as the Strong Man of Cambodia.
However, I see it differently. In my eyes I see Hun Sen as one of the most unsecured and weakest leaders in the world just like Fidel Castro, Kim Jung Il, Thein Sein and many others. These leaders lead the countries by fear, by cheating, by keeping their own people in poverty, and by depriving their rights of true information, education, and basic freedom. They have no true respect from their subjects nor have they competence to be entrusted in their leaderships. They are surrounded by hatred, revenge, and enemy of their own people and even the democratic lovers around the world and they also reflectively live and lead in fear.
Just see some cases in order to identify Hun Sen as the most unsecured and weakest leader is that his orders about abolishing deforestation, the gangsters, corruption, the second-hand control along the national high ways, and land grabbing have never been listened to and carried out by officials under his government and most importantly wherever he goes there always be thousands of bodyguards, soldiers, and military personals to protect him from his houseâ€™s gate to the place he stops. Similarly, every TV station keeps propagandizing the good deed about him day and night even an inauguration of the five hundred meters of the paved street as his personal donation and great achievement. And there are many more.
In general, Hun Sen has live a life of fear even though he successes in his political life to be the Prime Minister for along time, his power doesnâ€™t come from the true support and his competence but from threat, killing, cheating, suppressing, and subjecting our national sovereignty to Vietnam for the exchange of power. He has never been a real and positive strong leader because he never leads the country by standing on his own feet. Yet he leads by begging other nations, depending on alms, and by submission to neighboring countries. The strong leader definitively leads the country by facing the truth, critics, responsibility, and fearing no enemy in order to move the country forwards to prosperity, democracy, dignity, unity, peace, and independence.
As a response to this proof,Â have we ever expected him toÂ be able to lead the country as strong leadeship’s demand?Â No,Â please do notÂ expect that he has the ability to stand up and successfully protect the national interests from other countriesâ€™ invasion, when he canâ€™t even stand up nor has he the courage to face with even the critics and the peaceful and unarmed demonstrations and strikes. Moreover, do not expect that he has the ability to bring about the economic growth for the country when his government canâ€™t even enact the corruption law nor can he personally have the ability to fight against the deforestation and land grabbing. He is able for nothing. Therefore, Hun Sen in my eyes is nothing but the most unsecured ad the weakest leader only.
Quote:
Â Chao Liang mentioned about Wukutafu when conversed with Lord Shang about the good and strong leader that Wukutafu, the councilor of Châ€™in, when he was tired, he did not sit in the carriage, in summer he did not spread out a sunshade, when he traveled in the country he did not have carts or months following him, nor men carrying him shields and lances. His security is preserved in his merits and his merits were preserved in the stores, granaries and everywhere, and his virtuous conductÂ was displayed to later geners.

Prime Minister in the World

Sunday, October 16, 2011

LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY PARTY

កម្មវិធីនយោបាយ

គណៈកម្មាធិការអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍

យន្តការ៨ចំណុច

សម្រង់គំនិត

សម្រង់គំនិត

Thursday, March 4, 2010

Leaders cambodia

Friday, November 20, 2009

Political Developments in 1990s and Later

Politics of Japan

Hun Sen in My Eyes

Prime Minister World